Harriak eta herriak

Stones and lands
By Joseba Sarrionandia. Original title: Harriak eta herriak

There is a corner in the world (We did not
                                         choose it when we were born)
which we believe it is our land. And the whole world is ours
                                    if our land is ours.
But we introduced wet stones
                            into our holed pockets.

Everything we did was not always
                                             what we had to do,
deads and distances started to
                                         proliferate,
and six thousands of our people in
                              a world like this, sharpened by milestones.

On the frontiers, after customs officer Henri Rousseau asked us
                                        where we are from and were we go to
we show him our wet stones
                                        since we have got stones:
"You see this stone, this reef,
                                      our house was like this..."

Land surveyors of nowhere, cartographers of a
                                     land which does not exist, that's who we are.
Our days are filled by yesterdays, we are
                                              looking for our feet.
Do you remember that ancient birthplace
                                               we lost?

We have got stones but not land.
                        We have got stones
in our holed pockets, but we will not build
                         a definitive house anywhere.
Are stones more beautiful
                              inside a wall?



                           
                       

Unforgettable Gernika

It was early in the afternoon of 26 April 1937. As every Monday, it was a Market day in Gernika, so the main square of the city was busy. Up to 10,000 people, many from nearby villages, gathered there at a trade fair dedicated to cattle and crops. The fair supposed an increase in the population of the city, which had about 5,500 inhabitants then. In addition, some of the Republican and Basque troops and refugees had been stationed there on their way to Bilbao, fleeing from other parts of the Basque Country.
The alarms that warned of a possible bombing strarted ringing at about 4.30 PM. A single German Dornier Do-17 arrived there from Burgos airport, making two passes in which it dropped about 12 50kg bombs. Some of them reached San Juan church and hit the promenade area called "Paseo de los Tilos" (Lime Walk, in English). Then, three Italian Savoia-Marchetti planes appeared entering Gernika from the sea, which had the commitment to bomb Renteria bridge in order to cut off the retreat of the Republican and Basque troops. However, they failed this objective because of the heavy wind. In spite of that, some bombs reached Izquierda Republicana headquarters. Until that time, the damages significant but limited only to a few areas in the city centre and near Oka river. In fact, the artifacts used since were indicated to hit specific objectives.
The heaviest bombing came later that afternoon. A Heinkel He-111, escorted by five Fiat Cr-32 fighters, came along and tried to bomb the bridge again. At about 6.00 PM, three squadrons of Junkers Ju-52 appeared in the horizon, attacking Gernika from North to South following the railway. As many as 19 airplanes, surrounded by German and Italian fighters, dropped more than 20 tons of bombs, most of them incendiary. They caused the subsequent fire. Because of the heavy smoke provoked by the bombing, they ended up throwing their bombs blindly, which contributed to the destruction of the town.
But the worst was still to come. Once the bombing finished, some planes from the Nazi aircraft started flying at low altitude over Gernika and started strafing people who were fleeing from the bombs. After more than 3 hours of heavy bombing, the alarms stopped ringing at 7.30 PM. Almost all the buildings of the town centre and the area surrounding the railway were burning due to the thousands of incendiary bombs which had been dropped over there. Ironically, Renteria bridge, which was the most important militar objective, remained untouched, as only 1% of the buildings there. According to the latest account, there were around 250 casualties and many other wounded.

The video below shows first hand accounts from Carmen Egurrola, Lidia Abadia and Cornelio Totorikagoiena, three Basques living in Boise (Arizona) who experienced the devastation of their homes by Nazi aircraft in 1937.

Although it was not the first time that an open city had been a military objective, the destruction of Gernika acquired a special symbolism after British journalist George Steer (born in South Africa) wrote a chronicle on the bombing after visiting it on the same day. He was astonished by the scenario he found there. He published an account of everything he saw there in some important newspapers such as The Times and the New York Times. Thus his narration arrived to hundreds of readers and politicians from the United Kingdom, the United States and France, contributing to create a myth regarding the town. He also was determinant to disprove the Francoist propaganda, directed by Luis Bolín, whose aim was to claim that Gernika had been burnt by Basque militians on their retreat. Alongside Picasso and his Guernica, the chronicles written by Steer made thousands of people from all around the world be aware of what was going on in Spain and the German and Italian intervention in the Spanish Civil War.

In addition, the destruction of Gernika was symbolic because it was almost the first time that the bombs destroyed an open city, away from the front. But its greatest importance lies in the fact that it had been the place where the Batzar Nagusiak (a representative assembly which legislated and ensured that the State would respect the foral privileges) of Biscay gathered under the Tree of Gernika from the 14th Century until they were abolished in 1876. Ironically, the Parliament House and the surrounding area were the least affected and both the building and the oak tree stand in the same place 76 years after the town was devastated. 

Furthermore, it is well known that Franco himself ordered the destruction of such an important symbol for all the Basques and the Condor Legion simply did their bidding. So that, Francoist troops could not deny that they knew every information regarding those events. It was accurately planned despite the attempts to present it as a fire caused by Basque troops in order to destroy the city and thus accuse the rival faction. However, nobody in the Basque Country could believe this hypothesis.
As well as the tragedy of the bombing itself, the destruction of Gernika and the following occupation of the surrounding area  provoked the demoralisation of Basque people and opened the way to Bilbao and the metal industry. But this would not be its latest effect: three days later, Basque writer and poet Estepan Urkiaga, Lauaxeta, was detained while he was visiting the city with a group of journalists. He was a true supporter of the Basques and exercised as a political commissar for the nationalist party EAJ, which had the local authority in the Basque Country. He would be jailed and executed two months later despite the efforts to avoid his death.
The destruction of Gernika marked the recent history of the Basque Country alongside the effects of the subsequent dictatorship, but also became a symbol for everyone who was against the war and a signal which allowed people from all around the world foresee what would happen during the Second World War. That is the reason why nobody should forget what happened there 76 years ago.

Are China and Spain such different?

During her journey to China, the general secretary of the Spanish People's Party María Dolores de Cospedal signed a Memorandum of Understanding with some representatives of the Chinese Communist Party. The signature of such an agreement took place in China's eastern city of Suzhou, near Shanghai, as part of a trip whose aims were to promote the Spanish region of Castilla La-Mancha (which is ruled by Cospedal) and to attract Chinese tourists and investors to Spain. Thus the trade between both countries will be increased alongside the collaboration between both parties and different corporations. But is this excellent relationship between them something new? How can two such different political parties strengthen their ties?
Such an understanding between those Spanish and Chinese political parties is not new despite the seeming ideological differences. In fact, diplomatic relations between both countries were established in 1973, when Franco and Mao were still ruling. This was a complicated period for both countries, which were awaiting important changes within their borders and in their international relations. Regarding Spain, the last years of Franco's dictatorship were caracterized by a crisis due to the economic situation and the opposition against his regime. In addition, ETA would murder the person who was supposed to be Franco's right hand, Luis Carrero Blanco, at the end of that year. Thus Francoism would collapse after the dictator died two years later, although the next head of the State (king Juan Carlos, who still holds the position) would be appointed by him. In the case of China, the country was involved in one of the harshest periods of its recent history: the Cultural Revolution. It would lead to a brutal repression of those who were considered "anti-maoists" and intellectuals, whilst the Red Guards (mostly young people, lots of them still teenagers) began a cruel attack against everything which could be related to culture such as books, religious temples and examples of Chinese cultural heritage.
Being both countries involved in such a complex national scenario, other factors were playing a key role in international politics. The Cold War had not still finished and the United States sought new alliances to isolate the Soviet Union, a country with which China had broken relations in the past decade. An example between this approach between the USA and the PRC was Nixon's visit to Beijing 1971. On the other hand, Spain had been an ally for the USA because of Franco's efforts to anihilate any relation with communism. In fact, he called himself the Western Sentinel and offered offered military bases which could be used by the American military aircraft. For these reasons, the United States were interested in gaining the support of both countries and making them allies of each other. In fact, the moment's realpolitik was so powerful that it forced countries of such different ideologies to cooperate and establish diplomatic relations with each other to be kept under the protection of the USA, giving the communist China an opportunity to become part of international organizations like the UN and strenghten ties with many western countries. More information regarding this first agreement between Maoist China and Francoist Spain can be found here.
To date, those countries are celebrating the 40th anniversary of their diplomatic ties, which was commemorated in China with an exchange of congratulation messages between former Chinese President Hu Jintao and ex-Prime Minister Wen Jiabao, and Spain's King Juan Carlos and Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy. Moreover, Xi Jinping reminded the event during his meeting with the recently appointed Spanish ambassador, Manuel Valencia. He also demanded that Rajoy could make a trip to China to celebrate such an important date.
In the past 40 years the cooperation between Spain and China has been specially important in economic issues, mainly after the reforms engaged by Deng Xiaoping after Mao died. In fact, Europe has become a great market in which the Asian country can sell its goods at low prices while importing some luxury products for a growing wealthy class of the country. It has allowed Spain to establish companies that exploit some of the important mineral deposits held by the country, either in Chinese or in territory historically occupied areas during the twentieth century, such as Tibet. Furthermore, one of the most important Spanish businessmen is the chairman of a joint Chinese-Spanish company called Ganzi FerroAtlántica Silicon Industry Co., Ltd., "founded on 17 July 2008 in the city of Kangding, in the Ganzi Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture, in the province of Sichuan, China (sic)". However, Ganzi (Kardze, in Tibetan) has been historically part of the Tibetan region of Kham, which was annexed during the Republican period as part of the province of Xikang and included territories now part from Chamdo prefecture (in the Tibetan Autonomous Region) and Sichuan province. In this way, FerroAtlántica's chairman Juan Miguel Villar-Mir aids Chinese occupation of Tibet with money which comes from the profits of some of his businesses in Spain, including OHL construction company.
To sum up, it is evident that the People's Party and the CCP are not as different as someone could think. The Memorandum remind the circumstances involving the first stablishment of diplomatic relations between Maoist China and Francoist Spain in 1973, when the Cold War forced them to put aside their ideological differences for global stability. Furthermore, the actors of this new agreement are the heirs of the former. On the one hand, PP is a political party which was founded by Manuel Fraga, a Minister during the last years of Francoism. On the other hand, CCP is still ruling in China despite it changed the communist economic system by introducing capitalist reforms. Their recent history shows that either Spain and China have more things in common than differences and that anything goes when it comes to trade agreements or money, even the Ethics and the respect for Human Rights.

UPDATE: According to the documentation related to "Bárcenas Lawsuit", a graft case against Spain's ruling  People's Party which is being investigated by Judge Ruz, Villar Mir was one among many bussinessmen who financed illegally the party by making huge donations. In fact, he had been finance minister between 1975 and 1976 and a close collaborator of former Francoist information minister Manuel Fraga (Fraga would be one of the PP founders), as well as of current Spanish Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy. Because of that, the chairman of Ferroatlántica has been charged on bribery for having gotten many public works contracts for another corporation owned by him in payment for the donations he made. Therefore, the relationship between PP and CCP is more murky than ever. Has this been one of the reasons that made both parties sign such an agreement?

The end of a dream which lasted too short

Six people from the Basque city of Donostia have been finally detained due to political reasons. Oier Lorente, Egoi Alberdi, Mikel Arretxe, Aitor Olaizola, Ekaitz Ezkerra and Adur Fernández were the detained, after Naikari Otaegi and Imanol Vicente refused to participate in the so-called "Aske Gunea" (Space for Freedom, in Basque). More than 800 people were alongside them awaiting the security forces after the Spanish National Court ordered their detention last Monday.

The only crime of Egoi, Imanol, Oier, Adur, Mikel, Aitor, Ekaitz and Naikari was their involvement in a Basque separatist organization called Segi, which is considered "terrorist" by Spain despite its merely political activities. For more details regarding their case, please read my post «There are no political prisoners in Spain», written on 10 April.

Some video footages of their detention show a violent attitude of the Ertzaintza towards the hundreds of people who gathered at the Boulevard of Donostia. Furthermore, the police had even menaced those who opposed the detentions with "legal or administrative consequences", according to a video broadcasted by the same police that has been released by Naiz digital newspaper. 

Meanwhile, all the media who were covering the event have been expelled from the area where the gathering was taking place. Ertzaintza have even attacked the Basque journalist Lander Arbelaitz from Argia weekly magazine, despite he was carrying his accreditation and shouting that he was a journalist. He has been able to record the aggresive behaviour of the police in the following video. He also has written a chronicle of these tense moments on his personal blog (in Basque).

The crackdown by Basque police and the following detentions came after three days of peaceful resistance by hundreds of people who gathered at the Boulevard in Donostia, close to the city hall. Lots of them also staid there at night, reaching numbers of more than 800 last night and up to 2,000 yesterday afternoon. They gathered there in order to protect the 8 convicted in every moment, night and day. There were mainly young people, organizating different activities such as concerts or poetry reading. Furthermore, it has been a magnificent example of peaceful struggle and civil disobedience which prevented their detention twice before it happened today. At the third time, Ertzaintza started removing demonstrators one to one, while those who still remained at the site of the protest lied on the ground and peacefully resisted the police. However, security forces cracked down on some of them violently and detained 2 more people for having resisted the authority. The next video shows the last 20 minutes of Aske Gunea, until the 6 youths have been detained.

Even though many of us have not been able to be there and show our solidarity with these 8 young boys and girls, to follow those events throught the media and social networks has been very touching. They have been finally detained, but the record of this experience will remain for long. What happened in Donostia was more than a gathering in support of people having been unfairly sentenced to lenghty prison days. It was a proof of the strenght of Basque society's commitment for non-violence. We will remember what happened there as an example of resistence against repression, political trials and the lack of human rights. Nevertheless, the struggle for peace and freedom in the Basque Country will last for long, as the Spanish state does not show any willingness to end this kind of abuses against human rights. Despite all the obstacles, peace, democracy and human rights will win.

«Agur ama», a letter by a Basque political prisoner

This letter was written by Basque political prisoner Francisco José Ramada Estévez, "Bera" and released in Spanish by Basque newspaper Gara on 18 April 2013.

You are gone with the warmth of a land to whom you came from the countryside in Zamora looking for opportunities and which you learnt to love.

We could not say goodbye to each other this time, I could visit you at the geriatric nine months ago. But not now, althought the judge gave me permission to visit you fifteen days ago. I would be able to say goodbye, but it was impossible. I know that you were waiting for me until the last moment, until you faded the last breath of your life. You know that my tears flooded me when I was given the news, not for weakness but of anger, but also of pride for being son of this wonderful land. Because despite the vindictive, arbitrary and cruel prison policy which prevented me from receiving your last kisses, friends from Ataun such as Martxel, Patxi, Karmele, Xabi, and others from Irun like Alberto, Mattin, Manolo, Fernando, or those from your religious community such as Javier, who has been like one of the family, and lots of friends more could give you my last goodbye between sounds of txistu and guitars from your religious community singing "Agur Jaunak", whose notes sounded inside me while I was being brought handcuffed in a van traveling the roads of Spain. Someday we will start our way back alongside the end of a dispersion which moves us away from our loved ones, it will be like you wanted when you voted Bildu so that they brought us all back home.

The warmth that dozens of friends from Ataun and Irun gave me at the door of the Juncal church in Irun, with shouts of support that touched me, was comforting. Also in the sacristy, when I could be with my sister Mari Mar and my nephews after all these years. As also hug many friends I had not seen for many years, so many that there were some who I did not recognize, so I apologize. And in every moment, inseparable with my tireless and beloved partner Mila who, althought being at home, continues jailed. Not even a minute we parted, together at any time and, even during the mass, she comforted me with her love in all those difficult moments. In short, that you are gone with the warmth of a land to whom you came from the countryside in Zamora looking for opportunities and which you learnt to love. Despite the difficulties of life you never lost your optimism, despite your poor health you made huge effort to visit me in Granada or in Castellón because you wanted to have me with you. Despite all your efforts, I always found your laughter and the brightness of your eyes. Because the desire to live was overwhelming in you. So that you have struggled for live until the last moment. Now you rest caressed by the wind of Cantabric sea which slips in and transmits you my kisses. Do you know, ama1? Sooner than later we will walk through the streets of our freed fatherland, this day I will bring you flowers and we will talk.

In these cold nights in my cell I am accompanied by the memories of my chilhood in Bera, the image of Aiako Harria2 from the balcony of our house in Ilekueta and the whispers of the Altzate stream which bring me your voice to relieve your lack.

Well, ama, I thus say you goodbye, by letter, because they have not let us any other option. I know that I will be able to visit you soon and bring you the first spring flowers. Until that day.

Eskerrik asko Ataungo eta Irungo lagunei3.

¹Ama is the Basque name for mother.

²Aiako Harria is a massif east of Oiartzun in the Basque Country. Bera is close to it.

3It means “thanks to my friends from Ataun and Irun”, in Basque.

Their lives are more valuable than ours.

Spanish newspaper El Mundo has released today a reportage on Luis Morcillo, a former GAL member who claims that he murdered Santi Brouard, a Basque paedriatician and former head of the separatist party Herri Batasuna, on 20 November 1984. He had never been convicted for this crime, after a court in Bizkaia issued a lawsuit in which he was absolved due to the lack of proofs. So the assassination has gone and will go unpunished due to a legal principle which establishes that either crime cannot be prosecuted twice.
According to his own statement, Morcillo commited the murder when Brouard was leaving his consulting room in Bilbao. He and Ramón López Ocaña shot the doctor twice and then finished off him while lying on the floor. After that, Luis and Ramón ran away from there and left the gun in the stairwell. The so-called GAL terrorist group claimed the attack hours later. After that, Morcillo was helped to flee Spain and headed Venezuela and Colombia, where he worked as a member of security staff of the chief of Cali drug cartel.
The single reason for this assassination was that Brouard was a member of Herri Batasuna, a Basque separatist and socialist party. In fact, he was imprisoned in 1983 for allegedly singing the Basque fighters' song Eusko Gudariak during a visit of the king of Spain. He even was aware that State-terrorist groups like GAL had targeted him because of his political activities but decided not to stop his work as a doctor neither to flee the Basque Country.
The most astonishing fact of this sort of crime is that it was entirely politically motivated. Furthermore, it counted with the authorization of the Spanish Interior Ministry. In fact, both López Ocaña and Morcillo were paid about €45,000 for the attack. Moreover, the person who ordered the murder was Rafael Masa, commander of the Spanish police Guardia Civil at the time. He was likely to have acted under instructions of Julián Sancristóbal, a former director of State Security. So that, Spanish authorities knew and even encouraged the murder, which can be qualified as a State crime.
The death of Santi Brouard did not happen neither in a country like China nor in an African State but in Spain. Despite the efforts to banish either relationship between GAL and the State, the truth is that any crime committed by the terrorist organization could not have taken place without the support of the authorities. Furthermore, only a few people have ever been sentenced for State-related violence. Thus it is clear that those actions had a political motivation: to exterminate Basque separatism through a sort of "dirty war", using the crimes committed by  terrorist group ETA as a justification. They were deployed together with tortures at Basque and Spanish prisons. Most of these actions have never been investigated nor condemned.

Sustraiak han dituenak

Someone having roots there

By Joseba Sarrionandia. Original title: Sustraiak han dituenak

It is hard to leave the birthplace

for someone having roots there.

The tree hardly leaves earth

unless tired and made boards.

The pupil does not leave the eye

unless in the beak of a crow.

The salpeter does not leave the sea

neither does the sand leave the desert.

The lily does not leave the spring

neither does the snow leave the whiteness.

It is hard to leave the birthplace

for someone having roots there.

«There are no political prisoners in Spain»

Two days ago, on 2 April, the Spanish High Court upheld a sentence issued by the National Court in which 8 young separatists were sentenced to a prison term of 6 years whilst 7 others were absolved. They were convicted for allegedly being part of a "terrorist organization". There were no more prove than declarations made under torture and some personal items that police found at detainees' homes, such as DVDs and banners of SEGI, a Basque youth independentist movement in which they were involved according to the ruling issued by the court.

Though Segi has been labelled as a terrorist organization by the Spanish goverment (they blame it for being ETA's youth movement), none of the convicted has been sentenced for commiting violent actions such as "Kale borroka". In fact, the court was only investigating them for their political activities as members of this separatist group also linked to Abertzale left. However, those absolved are being investigating for their supposed participation in violent protests.
Moreover, Basque autonomous police Ertzaintza has implemented a crackdown this morning on the 8 recently sentenced and people who had gathered in Donostia to support them close to the city hall, beating some of the demonstrators. They have finally detained Ekaitz Ibero, one of the absolved who had been previously convicted for his supposed participation in actions of Kale Borroka.

Whereas Spain continues claiming that there are no political prisoners in the country, politicians like Arnaldo Otegi remain in prison for his exclusively political activities. He and other 5 people were sentenced to long jail terms (initially 10 years, but their prison term was reduced to 6 years after an appeal) for their will to rebuild a Basque separatist political party amidst the so-called Bateragune lawsuit. Furthermore, some Basque independentist parties like Sortu have been recently legalized and allowed to concur at elections. In spite of that, these parties are often threatened with illegalization in application of a law dated from 2003 to prosecute any political formation allegedly tied to ETA.
What is more, the crackdown in Donostia follows a series of beatings and claims of torture by some Basque prisoners linked to the terrorist group, who have been applied harsh prison terms and frequently harassed for being involved in ETA. Moreover, two prisoners have recently death while serving their jail terms, one of them, Xabier López Peña, in strange circumstances. In fact, they are often forced to serve their terms in jails outside the Basque Country, which commits their relatives and friends to make long and sometimes dangerous journeys for a 40-minute visit. Thus it causes a great pain not only to the prisoners, but also to their families. Gari Garaialde explained graphically the meaning of dispersion in this video on one of his journeys from Zarautz (his hometown) to Alacant prison.

Given all these circumstances, no one should be able to deny that there are Basque political prisoners in both Spain and France. They are treated different from others for the crimes they have commited, so even the security forces and authorities give them a political reason. That is something which has to change so that Basques can build a durable peace and a scenario of convivence, thus rebuilding a society which has been involved in a political conflict for decades.

Continua la paranoia xinesa a Rebkong

Quan tot just ha acabat la vigència del decret que limitava i regulava la venda de combustible a la Prefectura Autònoma Tibetana de Malho (Huangnan), al Tibet Oriental (regió tibetana d'Amdo, actualment inclosa dins la província xinesa de Qinghai), les autoritats xineses del comtat de Rebkong (Tongren, en xinès) han posat en circulació una llista de 13 comportaments "prohibits" per als tibetans, els quals seran reprimits. La finalitat d'aquesta circular seria la de prevenir manifestacions independentistes i, especialment, immolacions en aquesta zona, segons la notícia publicada per diversos mitjans com Radio Free Asia el 28 de març. D'altra banda, el govern de la prefectura busca frenar la difusió de qualsevol possible protesta que tingui lloc al territori, així com evitar que es pugui dur a terme qualsevol acció que suposi una amenaça contra el domini xinès sobre el Tibet.

Una còpia d'aquesta circular va arribar a la redacció de la secció en llengua tibetana de Radio Free Asia, tot i que no se n'ha publicat cap traducció en llengua anglesa. La versió original del document va ser publicada en tibetà i difosa per totes les poblacions de Malho.

Entre les activitats prohibides destaca la filmació de les immolacions que puguin tenir lloc a l'àrea, amb la clara finalitat d'impedir que les imatges de qualsevol mena de protesta puguin arribar a l'exterior. D'aquesta manera volen aïllar més el Tibet i continuar transmetent al món una imatge d'harmonia i estabilitat al territori. De fet, l'altiplà tibetà (no només la zona corresponent a l'actual regió autònoma, sinó les regions tradicionals d'Amdo i Kham) és territori vedat per a diplomàtics i reporters internacionals des de l'esclat de la revolta de març del 2008. D'igual manera, l'accés de turistes estrangers és limitat i restringit amb freqüència. D'altra banda, es relaciona la difusió de filmacions o fotografies de qualsevol acte "subversiu" amb la incitació al separatisme, encoratjat segons la Xina pel Dalai Lama i el govern tibetà a l'exili.

També cal destacar la voluntat de les autoritats xineses de perseguir la recaptació de fons entre tibetans, incloses les aportacions solidàries. Tot i ser una acció aparentment inofensiva, la realitat és que es salta els canals oficials impulsats pels ocupants xinesos i fomenta la cooperació entre els propis tibetans. Aquest és un dels eixos centrals del moviment conegut com a Lhakar (literalment "dimecres blanc", en tibetà), el qual lluita  contra l'assimilació lingüística i cultural per mitjans de resistència passiva. Entre les actituds prohibides en relació amb aquesta vessant solidària també s'inclouen les aportacions econòmiques destinades a la protecció del medi ambient i la llengua tibetana, dos dels principals pilars de l'autoafirmació del poble tibetà. Així mateix, la celebració de reunions multitudinàries i pregàries que no comptin amb autorització expressa de les autoritats xineses també és motiu de càstig, especialment si el seu objectiu és protestar o honorar aquells que s'hagin immolat.

En tercer lloc, també es prohibeix qualsevol comportament vers els oficials xinesos que pugui ser considerat "intimidatori" o que suposi una amenaça per a la correcta realització de la seva feina. Així mateix, es considera il·legal impedir que les forces de seguretat recuperin el cos d'una persona que s'acaba d'immolar, així com la "incitació" d'aquesta mena de protestes. De fet, ja són uns 11 els tibetans detinguts sota acusacions d'haver encoratjat d'altres perquè es calessin foc o evitar que el seu cos fos lliurat a la policia.

Com hom haurà pogut percebre, una de les principals preocupacions de les autoritats xineses a tot el territori tibetà és impedir que es produeixi cap autoimmolació ni se'n difongui que cap persona s'ha calat foc en protesta per l'ocupació xinesa del Tibet. Això revela la impotència dels ocupants a l'hora de frenar un acte considerat com la forma més extrema de protesta pacífica: el sacrifici de la pròpia vida. 

D'altra banda, que les autoritats de la província de Qinghai hagin implementat tota una sèrie de mesures destinades a prevenir protestes al comtat de Rebkong no és casual: és una de les zones on s'han produït més immolacions des que Tapey, un jove monjo, es calés foc prop del monestir de Kirti, a la veïna regió de Ngaba (actualment, dins la província de Sichuan) el 27 de febrer del 2009. Des de llavors, ja són 115 els tibetans que han protestat d'aquesta manera per demanar la llibertat del Tibet i el retorn del seu líder espiritual, el Dalai Lama, exiliat a la Índia des del 1959. Malauradament, la situació per als tibetans no ha parat d'empitjorar, amb un augment brutal de la repressió contra la seva cultura, la seva llibertat i els drets humans més elementals. El que ha quedat reflectit aquí n'és només un exemple.

What about Basque language?

Many people in Europe might know that Basque (or Euskara) is probably the oldest language of western Europe, and that its origin is unkown. The only known fact about it is that this language was already spoken when Indoeuropeans arrived in the continent, so it is a treasure we must take care of. If someone wants to learn more about Basque people and the myths surrounding them and their language, there is a good book in which anyone can find nice explanations: The Basque History of the World, by Mark Kurlansky.

Even though the mysteries regarding the origins of Euskara are so interesting, I want to focus on the latest theory which has emerged to explain them. Jaime Martín, a graduate in Roman Philology from the Complutense of Madrid, has recently stated that it is actually an African language, originated in Mali. Moreover, he claims that about 70 percent of more than 2,000 pairs of words in both Basque and Dogon language family he analysed share common elements. It took him about 12 years to compare both languages in a survey that he aims to publish soon. A newspaper called Periodista Digital was quick to echo such news in this way:

El que se consideraba idioma más antiguo de Europa, viene del desierto de Mali

Resuelto el misterio: Un estudio confirma que el euskera es una lengua africana

"El dogón sólo se diferencia del vasco en que no tiene declinaciones ni sujeto ergatibo"

Periodista Digital, 04 de abril de 2013 a las 12:24

Translated: The likely eldest language in Europe, comes from Malian desert.

A solved mistery: a survey confirms that Basque is an African language.

"The only difference between Dogon and Basque is that the first one has not got neither declinations nor ergative subject" (please note that there is a mistake in the subtitle: "ergatibo" -with B- is the Basque word for ergative, the right word in Spanish should be "ergativo").

However, neither the University of the Basque Country nor Auñamendi (a society which aims to investigate and divulge Basque cultural heritage) consider that Martín's survey is reliable. The same thought was shared by Xabier Kintana, a member of Euskaltzaindia (Academy of the Basque language), who stated that the theory made by this philologist is a nonsense. For instance, the word "soro" ("orchard", in Basque) is an evolution of the Latin "solum", a fact that invalidates one of Fernando Martín's arguments.

This is likely to be just another myth about this ancient tongue to address the lack of information regarding its origins and the key features of this people who have lived in the north of actual Spain and the south of France for centuries. In fact, it was occupied and divided between those countries by the 15th century.
As I said before, there are many theories regarding the origins of Basque language so far. One of the most bizarres says that it was the language spoken before building Babel Tower. Furthermore, they claim it to be the mother tongue of Tubal, a grandson of Noah. Instead, some philologist and most Basques satirize on this issue, saying ironically that it is Tubal's language or even that it has an alien origin! This is a vignette by Basque artist Zaldieroa on the theory of the extraterrestial theory.

Translation: The origins of Basque Language, by Zaldieroa. Today, the extraterrestrial origin.

First cartoon: Unga! Unga!

Second cartoon: Unga! Unga! Unga!

Third cartoon: -Unga!

                        -Ea! Finish, Unga-Unga!

                        -I said that it's finished!

                        -Unga!

Fourth cartoon: I am bringing you a present (showing a piece of paper which reads "Nor Nori Nork", literally meaning "Who/what To Whom Who" and used to make sentences with direct and indirect object).

Therefore, lots of books have been published, and highlights of the Basque people have reflected even in the cinema. As an example, here are two clips of some famous films released by Hollywood.

Thunder in the Sun (1959)

McGyver

Moreover, someone can find this sort of stereotypes everywhere, even in Twitter. This is a Tweet by @MyLanguageCloud about one of them: its difficulty (there is no evidence that the Basque is the most difficult language in the world).

The most difficult language to learn is Basque, which is spoken in northwestern Spain and southwestern France.
— My Language Cloud (@MyLanguageCloud) 2013 apirila 5

To avoid this sort of misjudgements, we should get more informed of the key features of such an ancient people. Their culture is very rich and as valuable as any other.

Forgotten memories of the Spanish Civil War: Maravillas Lamberto and her father Vicente

Today is the 74th anniversary of end of the Spanish Civil war, which shook the Iberian peninsula for almost three years. It had started on 18 July 1936 when a group of Spanish army generals led a coup against the democratically elected People's Front government. Those military cadres, led by general Francisco Franco, initially failed to gain power in many regions but Navarre, Aragon, Castille, Galicia, Balearic and Canary Islands. After a long war in which they were supported by Germany and Italy, Francoist troops controlled the whole Peninsula and established a dictatorship which would rule Spain for nearly 40 years.

This date is a good occasion for remembering one of the most unknown stories of the repression during the war: the violation and slaughter of a 14-year old girl for being the daughter of a leftist trade-union member. Nearly 77 years after her death, the Spanish and Navarrese governments have not yet recognized the pain suffered by her and her relatives.  

Maravillas Lamberto (1922-1936) was a 14-year old girl who lived with her parents and two younger sisters in Larraga, some 40 kilometers away from Iruña-Pamplona, Navarre. His father Vicente had been affiliated at the Unión General de Trabajadores trade union during the Second Republic (1931-1936), so that a group of policemen from the Guardia Civil (a Spanish paramilitary force which supported Franco's coup) went to his home in order to detain him on 15 August 1936. When police arrived at Vicente's home, his eldest daughter insisted on accompanying her father. The policemen agreed, so both father and daughter were brought to the town hall. There, Vicente was put into prison while Maravillas was brought upstairs and repeatedly violated. After that, they were both murdered and the girl's naked corpse was given to dogs. Her remains have not been found yet.

This is a single example of the millions of victims that suffered from repression and genocide during the war and even after. In fact, the latest executions took place in 1975, months before the dictator's death, when an agonic Franco ordered the execution of two ETA and three FRAP members. In fact, Francoism began and ended slaughtering. However, those crimes have never been investigated and the Spanish government has never condemned them. We shall never forget.

UPDATE: According to Martxelo Díaz, journalist from GARA newspaper, someone has attacked the monument which honoured victims of Francoist repression in Larraga. It was settled in a space called "Parque de la Memoria" (Park of Memory), which remembers every people who was murdered in Larraga during the Spanish Civil War.
This is another example of the willingness of some to silence the tragedy and sorrow that the civil war and the  cruel repression brought to lots of innocent people like Maravillas' youngest sister, Josefina. She was only 7 years old when her sister was murdered and had to endure harassment and mistreatment regarding the tragedy that had took place within her family. After becoming a nun at a young age, the Mother Superior of her nunnery barred her from contacting other fellow nuns because of her family history. Josefina was even sent to Karachi, where she was forbidden to study any language so that she could not communicate with native people. Once Franco had died she could return to Spain, but mistreatment against her continued as she was barred from going out of her nunnery after trying to investigate what had happened to her father and eldest sister (some people thought that they were murdered because "they were likely to have done something wrong"). Unfortunately, stories like this are very common in the country.

UPDATE 2: The attack against the monument to the victims of Franco's repression has been already confirmed. Someone has painted the words "El Chato" on it. Those words refer to Pedro Díez Terés, one of the most famous tyrants of Navarre during the war. He was a captain of far-right Falange Española at that time and ordered the executions of many leftist people in the region, Maravillas' father Vicente among them. Moreover, El Chato is likely to have been involved in the violation and death of the girl.